Thanks metamars, now that Reality Check has seen the reality with his own eyes should we expect him to re-examine the rest of his received knowledge, if that is what it was.

In physics what forces would explain the upwards trajectory of the material in the photo of the collapse below? I have seen the lame argument that downward pressure could force material horizontally - steel beams 70 metres, I think not - but it would be entertaining to hear this one.

<img src="http://www.plaguepuppy.net/public_html/collapse%20update/site1085.jpg">

I salute andrew for his noble and mature tone. I´m not convinced by the official line either, but on the other hand I don´t believe "it was bush" or that "bush knew". The story about Bush seeing the first plane hit reeks of disinformation, and my personal hunch is that the reason he remained "in-situ" 20 minutes or so, was because at that moment in time, he wasn´t in the loop (yet). (more than can be said for some of the other principal characters in this dark saga)...



..................................................................... In an email account, Forbes reported that over the weekend of September 8-9, 2001, floors 50 and above of the South Tower experienced a
“power down,” meaning that all electrical current was cut off for about 36 hours. The
reason officially cited was that the electrical cables in the building were being upgraded.
Forbes was an information technology officer in charge of Fiduciary Trust’s computer
network; his attention was engaged by the power down because it fell to him to shut
down all the company’s computers and related systems before the power went out. After
the power down, he had to turn the computers back on again, and restore service on the
network. Because there was no electric power above the fiftieth floor, there were also no
security cameras and no security locks. There were however many outside engineering
personnel coming in and out of the tower at all hours during the weekend. Forbes lived in
Jersey City and could see the WTC towers from his home; when he saw the conflagration
on the morning of 9/11, he immediately related it to the events of the previous weekend.
(www.serendipity.li/wot/forbes01.htm)

SEISMIC EVIDENCE
The seismic effects of the collapse of the towers were observed and measured by
Columbia University’s Lamont-Doherty Earth Observatory just up the Hudson River in
Palisades, New York. Here seismographs recorded two spikes reflecting two shock waves
in the earth on the morning of 9/11. The crucial fact is that these two spikes came just
before the collapse of the towers began. Specifically, Columbia scientists at the facility
registered a tremor of 2.1 on the Richter scale at 9:59:04 EDT, just before the beginning
of the collapse of the South Tower, and a 2.3 shock just as the North Tower began to
come down at 10:28:31 EDT. Both tremors were recorded before the vast majority of the
mass of the buildings hit the ground. Although they were not of earthquake proportions,
these were considerable shocks, about twenty times more potent than any previously
measured shock wave generated by a falling building. The 1993 WTC truck bomb had
produced no seismic effects at all – it had failed to register. At 5:20 local time on the
afternoon of 9/11, there was also a 0.6 tremor from the collapse of WTC 7, also at the
beginning, rather than the end, of this building’s collapse. Dr. Arthur Lerner-Lam, the
director of the Columbia Center for Hazards and Risk Research, commented that “during
the collapse, most of the energy of the falling debris was absorbed by the towers and
neighboring structures, converting them into rubble and dust or causing other damage –
but not causing significant ground shaking.” But Lerner-Lam declined to draw any
conclusions from the glaring anomaly represented by his data, which the 9/11
commission has also avoided. (Marrs 39 ff.)
After most of the pile was removed, experts found that there were pools of what appeared
to have been molten metal which had congealed on foundations of the buildings many
levels underground. Some steel appeared to have partially melted, other steel had
undergone alternations to its crystalline structure, and still other steel was full of holes,
like a Swiss cheese.


GIULIANI OBLITERATES THE WTC CRIME SCENE

Mayor Giuliani, by pedigree, was a creature of the highly repressive bureaucraticauthoritarian
apparatus which had consolidated itself in the Justice Department during the
Reagan years. He now performed yeoman service in defense of the 9/11 myth, a myth
which had its most obvious vulnerability in its most spectacular point: the unprecedented
and physically inexplicable collapse of the twin towers. Giuliani used the pretext that his
term was ending on December 31, 2001 to organize the massive obliteration of the WTC
as a crime scene. Parallel to this, Giuliani engineered a confrontation with the New York
firemen, both to divert public attention from his tampering with the evidence, and also to
neutralize the potential of the firemen, the one group which might have denounced the
presence of controlled demolition charges in WTC 1, 2, and 7, of which, as we have seen,
they were well aware.
During the crisis, Giuliani had been eager to exploit for his own political image the
immense admiration and gratitude which had been expressed around the nation and the
world for the epic feats of the New York firefighters. The firemen were now the most
revered symbols in the country: typical was the cover of Newsweek’s post-9/11 issue,
which showed some firemen raising a flag over the ruins, with an evident allusion to the
flag raising on Iwo Jima. Giuliani made a practice of appearing in public wearing a
baseball cap emblazoned with the letters “FDNY.” The police he relegated to his
windbreaker, which bore the legend “NYPD.” Giuliani proved to be treacherous in
practice to both, and he did this by playing the firefighters against the police, and vice
versa – all in the service of the 9/11 coverup. The firemen, once revered, would soon be
“inexcusable,” according to Giuliani.
CONTROLLED DEMOLITION AGAIN
Giuliani brought in Controlled Demolition, the same highly suspect firm which had
finished the demolition of the Murragh Federal Building in Oklahoma City in 1995, and
which had disposed of the evidence there in the process.
This contract was let surreptitiously just eleven days after 9/11, and empowered
Controlled Demolition to recycle the steel of the World Trade Center. Giuliani has not a
word to say about this in his memoirs. The city accepted rock-bottom prices for the steel;
the priority was to make it disappear fast. Trucks hauling the steel away were equipped
with $1,000 Global Positioning System locators to ensure that none of them went astray,
and that no suspect steel ended up in the back yard of a maverick 9/11 researcher. All
investigators, in fact, were banned from ground zero. Now Controlled Demolition would
eradicate any chance of using the abundant physical evidence present in “the pile,” as the
mass of twisted rubble of the WTC quickly came to be called. It was a scene out of Kafka
– it was impossible to find out which officials were superintending the destruction of the
evidence, to save a myth that was being used to set in motion a world war.
Giuliani, along with ghostwriter Ken Kurson, has produced a relentlessly self-laudatory
and self-promoting autobiography entitled Leadership. This work constitutes a monument
of hypocrisy. During one of his visits to the WTC site, the Mayor noticed that many
visitors were taking pictures of the site. Because there was so much to hide, he found this
troubling: “I noticed a disturbing phenomenon – hundreds of people carrying disposable
cameras and handheld video cameras. I understood the impulse – this was a historic
event, and experiencing it up close had a tremendous impact. At the same time, this was a
crime scene, and a dangerous one. I did not want anyone to get hurt, or to damage
evidence as they scouted out the best angle for their snapshots. If we didn’t do something
about it immediately, it would soon be out of control, a voyeur’s paradise, and we risked
the site developing a distasteful freak show aspect.” (Giuliani 49) An independent
photographic documentation of the crime scene, one the FBI would not be able to
confiscate? Horrors! Giuliani promulgated his infamous order that all photos were illegal
in the area around the WTC complex. Those who risked a snapshot also risked going to
jail.
When it was a question of preventing public scrutiny, Giuliani considered the WTC pile a
crime scene where there was evidence that had to be preserved. But when it was a
question of sending the crucial evidence to the other end of the world, Giuliani’s motto
became “scoop and dump” – with the help of Controlled Demolition. As Thomas Van
Essen, Giuliani’s fawning appointee as Fire Commissioner, described the scene: “…a
full-blown recovery operation was under way, and the site had become an enormous
construction zone. Trucks and plows rolled around everywhere. Giant cranes lofted
massive steel beams over the heads of the men below.” (Van Essen 263) The steel was
being sent to a city land fill at Fresh Kills, Staten Island.
According to Van Essen, by the end of October Giuliani was filled with humanitarian
concern about the danger of accidents to those working on the pile. One of the main
groups present there were firefighters who were seeking the bodies or other remains of
their hundreds of fallen comrades. According to the literary provocateur Langewiesche,
“there were some among the construction workers and the police who grew unreasonably
impatient with the firemen, and became overeager to repeat the obvious – in polite terms,
that these so-called heroes were just ordinary men. On the other hand, the firemen
seemed to become steadily more self-absorbed and isolated from the larger cleanup
efforts underway. “ (Langewiesche 158) “Firemen were said to prefer watches from the
Tourneau store, policemen to opt for kitchen appliances, and construction workers (who
were at a disadvantage here) to enjoy picking through whatever leftovers they came upon
– for instance, wine under the ruins of the Marriott hotel, and cases of contraband
cigarettes that spilled from the US Customs vault in the Building Six debris.”
(Langewiesche 159) Langewiesche reported with great gusto the discovery of evidence
that the firemen had been looting even before the towers came down. “Fifty feet below
the level of the street they began to uncover the hulk of a fire truck that had been driven
deep by the collapse.” According to Langewiesche, the field superintendent who only
wanted to get on with the job at hand felt “delight, then, after the hulk of the fire truck
appeared, that rather than containing bodies (which would have required decorum), its
crew cab was filled with dozens of new pairs of jeans from The Gap, a Trade Center
store. When a grappler pulled off the roof, the jeans were strewn about for all to see. It
was exactly the sort of evidence the field superintendent had been waiting for. While a
group of initially bewildered firemen looked on, the construction workers went wild.”
(Langewiesche 161) The firemen, we must remember, were those who knew most about
the controlled demolition of the World Trade Center, and they were also the group most
likely to tell what they knew. In this sense, the firemen posed perhaps the greatest
immediate threat to the 9/11 myth upon which the oligarchy had staked so much. The
obvious campaign of psychological warfare against the firemen, therefore, was of worldhistorical
importance. Given the stakes, it would be impossible to exclude that the
dungaree incident which Langewiesche found so delightful had been cynically staged as a
means of keeping the angry and rebellious firemen off-balance, distracted and confused.
The jeans could easily have been planted at a quiet moment during the graveyard shift.
Langewiesche’s reporting came out during the fall in the Atlantic Monthly, and rankled
deeply among the angry firemen and the bereaved families.
On October 31, Halloween, Giuliani decreed without any meaningful consultation that
there would be an upper limit of 25 firefighters on each shift at the WTC pile, along with
25 New York City policemen and 25 Port Authority patrolmen. Soon “the rescue workers
were up in arms. Stories went around that we had simply given up on finding bodies; that
the mayor wanted to speed the cleanup so it would be finished before he left office; that
we had recovered gold from the trade center and didn’t care about anything else….Union
officials started telling the workers we were haphazardly trucking everything to Fresh
Kills – a ‘scoop and dump’ operation.” (Van Essen 265)
Langewiesche defends the Mayor’s justification of cutting the firemen’s representation
on the pile: “when Giuliani gave ‘safety’ as the reason for reducing their presence on the
pile, he was completely sincere.” (Langewiesche 161) In his view, the big problem on the
pile was “firemen running wild.” (Langewiesche 162) In mid-October, an audience of
firemen, policeman, widows, and orphans loudly booed several members of the Giuliani
administration, but also Senator Hillary Clinton and a local Democratic politician. (Van
Essen 258) On Friday, November 2, Giuliani was able to harvest the results of his
provocations. In the morning, more than 1,000 firemen came together at the WTC. Their
chants included: “Bring the brothers home! Bring the brothers home!”, “Do the right
thing!”, “Rudy must go!”, and “Tom must go!”, a reference to Fire Commissioner
Thomas Van Essen, a Giuliani appointee. Their signs read, “Mayor Giuliani, let us bring
our brothers home.” Speakers denounced Giuliani’s hasty carting off of wreckage and
remains to Fresh Kills as a “scoop and dump” operation. One well-respected former
captain appealed to the crowd: “My son Tommy of Squad 1 is not home yet! Don’t
abandon him!” This was met with a cry of “Bring Tommy home!” from the assembled
throng. This scene soon degenerated into an altercation between the firefighters and the
police guarding the site, and then into a full-scale riot. Twelve firefighters were taken to
jail, while five policemen were injured. Giuliani had gladly sacrificed the 9/11 myth of
national solidarity to the needs of his campaign of psychological warfare and
provocations against the firemen. It was All Souls Day, the day of the dead, November 2,
2001.
At a press conference that same day, Giuliani hypocritically condemned the actions of the
firemen as inexcusable. The police wanted to make more arrests, and were scanning
videotapes of the riot to identify firefighters. The city was appalled by what had
happened; many newspapers were anti-Giuliani this time. One trade union leader,
Gorman, called Giuliani a “fascist,” and referred to the Police Commissioner and the Fire
Commissioner as Giuliani’s “goons.”
On Monday, November 11, Giuliani and his officials were again confronted by 200 angry
firefighters and bereaved families at a meeting. Giuliani was accused again and again of
running a “scoop and dump” operation. One widow protested: “Last week my husband
was memorialized as a hero, and this week he’s thought of as landfill?” When Van Essen
stammered that the department had been overwhelmed, a widow replied, “Stop saying
you are overwhelmed! I am overwhelmed! I have three children and my husband is
dead!” Dr. Hirsch of the “biological stain” theory discussed below tried to defend
Giuliani by arguing that nothing resembling an intact body was being found any longer,
but he was shouted down by firemen who knew from their experience on the pile that this
was not so. Van Essen was forced to concede that, based on photographic evidence he
personally examined, remains were indeed still be found that had to be “considered intact
bodies.” (Van Essen 270-271)
Giuliani’s rush to eradicate the crime scene without regard to the preservation of human
remains thus served two important goals. He was able to destroy much pertinent
evidence, and he succeeded in throwing the firefighters on the defensive and playing
them off against the police, the construction workers, and other groups. He was able to
split the firefighters themselves. The firefighters were tied into knots emotionally, and
were left with no time or energy to pursue the issue of justice for their heroic fallen
comrades, which could only have been served by directly raising the issue of the
indications of controlled demolition in numerous points of the World Trade Center
complex. Nor was the cynical oligarchical strategy limited to Giuliani: at the 9/11
commission’s last set of hearings in New York City, the FDNY, NYPD, and other line
departments of the city were mercilessly baited by the likes of former Navy Secretary
John Lehman, who told them that their operational coordination was inferior to that of a
Boy Scout troop. So far the firefighters have not been able to mount a challenge to the
9/11 myth, which necessarily portrays them as incompetent, in spite of their heroism and
huge losses. Only by demolishing the myth, only by unearthing the story of controlled
demolition, can the immense historical merits of the firefighters be duly recognized.
Giuliani’s memoir is mainly for self-aggrandizement, but it also attempts to shore up the
official version at certain key vulnerable points, since the Giuliani legend and the 9/11
myth are now inextricably intertwined. The following remarks are attributed to Dr.
Charles S. Hirsch, the Medical Examiner of New York City in the late afternoon of 9/11:
“Most of the bodies will be vaporized. We’re going to end up with biological stains,
where the tissue has become shapeless, amorphous masses of matter.” According to
Giuliani, Hirsch estimated that the temperature inside the building had reached 2,000
degrees (presumably Fahrenheit). Such a temperature is impossible in the physical
universe as we otherwise know it to be constituted. (Giuliani 22)

http://www.indymedia.org.uk/en/regions/lon.../07/317435.html

The thesis of Webster Tarpley’s 911 Synthetic Terror: Made in USA has been enthusiastically received with its working model of the 9/11 plot: a rogue network of moles, patsies, and a commando cell in the privatized intelligence services, backed by corrupt political and corporate media elites.

Buttressed by historical examples like the Baader-Meinhof Gang and the Gunpowder Plot, this model makes it clear how such a monstrous false-flag or self-terror exploit is possible even under a largely benign government. That paradox is the incredibility gap that has made most Americans reject the evidence about 9/11 as paranoid fantasy.

Tarpley brings decades of expertise to the 9/11 issue. Already in 1978 he had exposed the terrorist Red Brigades as patsies of Italy's fascist P2 shadow government, and 9/11 is on the same pattern. The forthright subtitle, Made in USA, is backed up by an analysis of key figures who behave like moles working for the rogue network or parallel government.

9/11 Synthetic Terror highlights the salient points of sheer physical impossibility of the official 9/11 conspiracy theory. It then analyzes the psychological traits which make Anglo-American society gullible to artificial enemy images and unable to grasp the truth of 9/11.